Israeli Media Allow Army To Whitewash Another Murder

Barkan industrial area

Palestine Monitor, 31 July 2010

Another Palestinian life was ended by Israeli gunfire last week. Again it was dismissed by military spokesmen as a case of mistaken identity, again it was presented in the Israeli press as a successful security operation. Written and photographed by Aaron Dearborn.

Barkan industrial area

Barkan industrial area

Bilal Abu Libdeh was shot outside the Barkan settlement in the West Bank when soldiers wrongly thought they saw a weapon. In the aftermath, the Israeli media readily reproduced the military’s excuses, reducing Bilal’s final moments to the redundant media stereotypes of the ’suspected terrorist’ and ’settlement infiltrator’.

But whilst the truth of their son’s death becomes another political casualty, Ibrahim and Intihad Libdeh are left to mourn the human being now missing from their lives. The day after he was killed, the family was joined by hundreds of mourners in their home city of Qalqilya, to carry Bilal to his final resting place.

Too distraught to talk to the media, Bilal’s uncle, Abu Jihad, spoke on the family’s behalf, describing his nephew’s murder as “a very disturbing situation.”

Both his mother and father are suffering from shock, his mother especially is crying all the time, uncontrollably. His father Ibrahim does not have work, has not worked in 15 years and there is a real concern how he can get over this loss and look after Bilal’s widow,” he said.

Bilal’s uncle, Abu Jihad believes the family will struggle to recover

Bilal’s uncle, Abu Jihad believes the family will struggle to recover

Bilal Libdeh, 26, married for little over two months without any children, was killed outside the Barqan settlement near Salfit at approximately 4.30am on Thursday 22 July this year.

The army’s version of events puts Bilal among a number of Palestinians “infiltrating the (settlement), one of them suspected to be armed,” when Israeli forces opened fire. Whilst one other was wounded, Bilal was killed at the scene.

The statement makes no mention whether Bilal was the same person allegedly carrying the weapon or indeed how many Palestinians were fired on.

No evidence has emerged of any weapons being recovered from the scene nor any further evidence to suggest Bilal posed a criminal threat to the settlement, or even that he intended to.

His family reject this scenario, saying that Bilal, who worked as a labourer on construction sites but had been unable to find stable employment in recent years, had gone to the settlement to find work.

The family says that friends had told Bilal he could find paid construction jobs without the need of an Israeli issued work permit at the settlement. Thursday morning would be the first and last time Bilal would try to work in Barqan.

He was just waiting with a group of other workers, for the Israelis inside Barqan to come and let them in. An Israeli jeep stopped nearby, saw the group and started firing, so everybody ran,” Abu Jihad says.

Bilal’s family said he was shot twice, once in the head and once in the abdomen. Abu Jihad says that whilst he hoped the soldiers that killed his nephew would be brought to justice, he was not optimistic they would be punished.

“The people in Qalqilya, the people in Palestine have seen this before. I wish the soldiers would be sent to prison, but the cooperation between the soldiers and the settlements is too much,” he says.

But with coverage of his nephew’s murder focused solely on the military’s version of events, it is extremely unlikely Israeli public opinion could be swayed by the truth to demand accountability of their armed forces.

Indeed, the misrepresentation of Bilal’s murder simply underscores the utter refusal of the Israeli media to properly investigate Palestinian deaths due either to gross military negligence or brutality.

In his article for the Israeli Ha’aretz news, journalist Chaim Levinson limits his investigation of Bilal’s murder to the IDF’s press statement, avoiding the added burden of actually contacting witnesses or the people who knew Bilal to establish his movements on the morning of his death.

Chaim opts instead to simply parrot the military’s version of events, with such lines as “The casualty was apparently armed” and “the Palestinians apparently penetrated the settlement for criminal and not terror-related purposes.”

In fact, Bilal had not ’penetrated’ the settlement nor has there been any evidence that he intended to, and of course, no weapon has been produced.

But most disgracefully of all, is the way Chaim presents the news of Bilal’s death to the Israeli public, packaging the shooting with a completely unrelated incident in Gaza, where two Palestinian ’militants’ were killed and six hospitalized by Israeli fire, allegedly planning an attack against Israeli forces.

Linking Bilal’s murder with the deaths of six others in an unrelated incident is demonstrative of a callous disregard for media ethics. It is also evidence of a clear bias among Israel journalists to link all Palestinian deaths, especially those caused under suspicious circumstances where Israeli soldiers are implicated, with terrorism and a conspiracy to commit crimes.

Never mind that the deceased might be innocent. Never mind that there are witnesses available to attest to that fact. Never mind that the government would never admit to criminal behaviour by its military without media pressure.

Right now the military are working backwards. Having already executed Bilal, they are now trying to re-arrange the facts to prove he was guilty of a crime he had most certainly not committed; not whilst being unarmed, outside a settlement.

Like so many young Palestinians, Bilal lives on only through his presence on posters around town

Like so many young Palestinians, Bilal lives on only through his presence on posters around town

No smoking gun was found on Bilal’s body because, like most ordinary Palestinians and everyone else around the world, he did not leave for work that day carrying a weapon.

There is no evidence to suggest he was the ’criminal’ or ’suspected terrorist’ journalists have labelled him. He was a human being, a son, a brother and a husband who was killed under suspicious circumstances that deserved to be investigated adequately.

But you will not read that anywhere in Israel.

IDF fatality statistics from B’Tselem http://www.btselem.org/english/stat…
More Reports and Information from Palestine Monitor

Gazans Denied Medical Care Under Siege

Stephen Lendman

Stephen Lendman, 26 July 2010

Two recent reports discuss it, a July Physicians for Human Rights – Israel (PHR-IL) one titled, “A Situation Report on Obstacles Facing Gaza Residents in Need of Medical Treatment,” and a June one titled, “Who Gets to Go,” jointly prepared by PHR-IL, the Al Mezan Center for Human Rights, and the Adalah Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel. All cite Israeli medical ethics and international law violations by discriminating on the basis of need, denying adequate treatment to seriously ill Gazans by:

– preventing the restoration and development of the Strip’s healthcare system; and

– restricting travel to the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Israel, or neighboring countries for treatment.

In its July report, PHR-IL said Gaza’s healthcare system is getting progressively worse “due to a lack of medical expertise, medicine(s) and medical equipment,” the ICRC recently saying it’s “at an all time low.”

In June, the World Health Organization (WHO) reported that Israel blocked delivery of essential equipment, including a CT scanner, defibrillators and monitors. In addition, the Palestinian Health Ministry said Israel confiscated seven oxygen machines, donated by a Norwegian development agency, and blocked x-ray machine deliveries, claiming they were dual-use, meaning possibly for military purposes.

As a result, critical shortages of most everything exist, including vital medicines, essential equipment, and other supplies expected to run out this summer, harming chronic disease sufferers the most, hampered by draconian impediments for permission to leave Gaza for treatment – what PHR-IL calls “an inexcusable breach of medical ethics” based on political, not medical considerations, most non-life threatening cases denied, including ones PHR-IL calls urgent, such as for:

“Paraplegia; retinal detachement; SLE (Lupus); foreign body in vitreous; subluxated lens; chronic severe febrile anemia; fever(s) of unknown origin (FUO); traumatic macular hole; psychomotor retardation; anemia; suspected abdominal abnormal vascular pressure; suspected chronic intestinal disease; psedoarthrosis (non-union of fractured bones) – arms, hand; infected plate – hip; deformation of cornea; recurrent dislocation of shoulder; lumbar discopathy; opacity of vitreous; (and) malformation of urinary tract.”

Numerous other non-urgent/non-life-threatening ones are also denied, some chronic, severe, painful and/or disabling, badly in need of treatment, including a 24 year old Gaza resident shot in the arm in October 2007, unable to use his hand because of atrophied muscle tissue around the wound area.

As a result, he suffers severe pain, orthopedic surgeon, Dr. Yosef Leitner, saying a tendon transfer is the only hope to restore proper hand functioning, Gaza’s Al Shifaa Hospital (the Strip’s largest and most advanced) with neither the means or staff to perform it.

In August 2009, an exit request was submitted to receive treatment in East Jerusalem’s Al Makassed Hospital. Initially denied, it was appealed and again denied – unprincipled, unethical, illegal, and common practice against Gazans under siege, PHR-IL saying:

“….all patients are entitled to the best available medical treatment, regardless of the urgency….or the severity of their clinical state,” legitimate distinctions only permissible in cases of limited resources (such as after a natural disaster), even then for the shortest time possible to restore proper care to everyone in need.

Under international law, denying medical care is illegal, Fourth Geneva’s Article 3 saying all non-combatants and those having laid down their arms “shall in all circumstances be treated humanely” with no distinctions for any reasons.

Article 16 states:

“The wounded and sick, as well as the infirm, and expectant mothers, shall be the object of particular protection and respect.”

The UN’s Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment prohibits mistreatment in any form (including denying medical treatment), as do the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Constitution of the International Criminal Court (the Rome Statute), and civilized countries globally, Israel and America not among them.

An Israeli Supreme Court decision provides an example, approving restrictions to exit Gaza for treatment, with narrow exceptions, ignored by government officials because the ruling left final authority in their hands, an easy cop-out to permit cruel and unusual punishment to continue, what PHR-IL calls “routine, permanent policy,” unethical, immoral, illegal, and deplorable.

Medical training outside Gaza is also denied, Fatah in charge of Ramallah’s Health Ministry, collaborating with Israel against its own people, blocking training and treatment of many, persecuting and abusing many more, acting as Israel’s enforcer, its duplicitous, self-serving agenda.

In addition, Israel prohibits its own or foreign doctors entering Gaza to provide treatment or professional training. Its authorities rejected two recent requests for a Ramallah Musallam Center team to come, to perform eye surgery and cornea transplants, most patients in need rejected or subjected to long delays.

For the past year, PHR-IL medical delegations were denied entry to Gaza, ones operating in 2008 as part of its Mobile Clinic, providing treatment, surgeries, medications, training, counseling, and referring patients for follow-up treatment in Israeli hospitals.

Repressive Security Services

In 2009, Shin Bet, Israel’s internal security service, interrogated over 600 of the thousands of Gazans applying for treatment exit permission. Usually, patients are summoned “after their hospital appointment date(s) passed,” causing them to lose out and have to reschedule. In addition, many face “threats and extortion….health (for) ransom,” collaborate or be denied, a choice most won’t accept.

In other cases, Shin Bet summons patients to Erez Crossing (on the pretext of permission to leave), arresting and detaining them instead – a Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) worker as well, part of a paramedic/ambulance driver team en route to a Ramallah training course, arrested and imprisoned in Israel.

In January 2010, Adalah complained officially to Israel’s Attorney General, the Prime Minister’s office saying:

“The State of Israel reserves the right to detain elements who seek medical treatments in Israel following information that they are terror activists or that their entry to Israel might pose a security risk,” common Israeli boilerplate – disingenuous, duplicitous, and dishonest justification for repressive state policy, including against seriously ill patients and medical workers providing care.

Israeli also denies quality care outside Gaza and the West Bank, even in East Jerusalem where treatment is better. In some cases, follow-up permission is denied (including for rehabilitation) for those initially allowed in, leaving them in limbo, unable to get what they need.

Dr. Danny Rozin, an internal medicine expert at Israel’s Sheba Medical Center, said the following:

“It is important to understand that in many cases providing a complete, effective treatment requires more than a one-time appointment and many patients need follow-up, post-surgery checks, or an additional medical or rehabilitative treatment….The lack of continuity might bring about a failure of treatment in part or in full and resources allocated to treat patients might go down the drain. Sometimes there is also a real danger that the patient will suffer functional damage or even lose his life….Preventing the continuity of treatment harms patients and is inconsistent with the many efforts made by medical staff to provide full and optimal care.”

It also violates international law and medical ethics, what Israeli authorities disdain and spurn. PHR-IL says it’s illogical and inconsistent that a patient given permission “suddenly becomes a security threat” and is denied. It reinforces the notion that politics and repressive policy are at issue, not security, a duplicitous red herring.

Israel further denies permission for West Bank treatment, saying patients might stay with their families – their legal right, unrelated to security, entirely state-sanctioned repression, part of enforcing Gaza’s siege.

Another part involves confiscating patients’ belongings on returning home after treatment, forced on reentry to leave behind whatever they bought or were given, including medical equipment, clothing, toys and other non-threatening items – another way to harass and intimidate.

A Final Comment

As a result of Israel’s post-January 2006 embargo, its siege since June 2007, Cast Lead, regular incursions, and its longstanding collective punishment policy, Gaza’s healthcare system is “at an all time low.” Many of the Strip’s sick and injured lack proper care, or enough, in violation of medical ethics and international law explicitly prohibiting these practices.

“As an occupying power, (Israel bears full) responsibility for the health of Gaza’s residents,” including to treatment outside the Strip, unconditionally without constraints, authorities denying it as collective punishment – prohibited under international law, what, throughout its history, Israel disdainfully spurned.

  • Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening.
  • http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour/.

Criminalization of popular struggle continues; Abdallah Abu Rahmah sentenced

Abdallah Abu Rahmah

Popular Struggle, 21 July 2010

Abdallah Abu Rahmah’s first trial from 2005 had reached conclusion yesterday, with his sentencing to two months of imprisonment and a six months suspended sentence for participating and organizing demonstrations and for walking the streets of his village during a curfew designed to prevent a demonstration. A verdict in Abu Rahmah’s main case for which he is already in jail since December is expected soon.

Bil’in Protest organizer Abdallah Abu Rahmah was sentenced to two months of imprisonment and to a six month suspended sentence, after a five year long trial on charges clearly related to freedom of speech.

Abu Rahmah was convicted of two counts of “activity against the public order”, simply for participating in demonstrations, in one count despite the fact that “No evidence of violence towards the security forces was provided”. Abu Rahmah was also convicted of “obstructing a soldier in the line of duty”, for shouting at a police officer and refusing to leave the scene of a demonstration, of “breaking curfew”, for being in the street in front of his house when the army declared curfew on Bil’in to suppress a demonstration, and of “incitement”, which under military law is defined as “The attempt, verbal or otherwise, to influence public opinion in the Area in a way that may disturb the public peace or public order”. Abu Rahmah was convicted of inciting others to “[…] continue advancing [to their lands during a demonstration in Bil'in], claiming that the land belongs to them.

Adv. Gaby Lasky, Abdallah Abu Rahmah’s lawyer said that “The military court threads a dangerous path of criminalizing legitimate protest in the West Bank. Abu Rahmah was arrested, prosecuted and sentenced with the clear intention of sending a message that the Palestinian struggle, even when of civic nature, will not be tolerated”.

Yesterday’s sentence joins a long line of recent military court decisions criminalizing Palestinian protest and effectively cracking down on the already limited Palestinian freedom of speech. The decisions are part of an Israeli campaign to suppress Palestinian grassroots resistance to the Occupation across the Occupied Territories.

One of the clearest examples of the legal persecution against protesters is that of Adeeb Abu Rahmah from Bil’in, who is still incarcerated, even after fully serving a ridiculously long 12 months sentence.

Mohammed Khatib of the Bil’in Popular Committee said that “In my village we learned that when we fight for our rights, when we expose what is being done to us, we can achieve victories, and indeed the path of the Wall is now being moved. Israeli is trying to intimidate us, to dissuade from fighting for our rights – but what other options do we have? Both the Wall and the settlements on our lands are built in contradiction of international law and even of Israeli law, but it is us that end up in jail”.

For more information visit the Popular Struggle website.

Israel’s Separation Wall: A Health Hazard

Stephen Lendman

Stephen Lendman, 19 July 2010

In July 2004, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled the Separation Wall illegal, saying its route inside the West Bank, and associated gate and permit system, violated Israel’s obligations under international law, ordering the completed sections dismantled, and “all legislative and regulatory acts relating thereto” repealed or rendered “ineffective forthwith.”

The ICJ also mandated reparations for the “requisition and destruction of homes, businesses, and agricultural holdings (and) to return the land, orchards, olive groves, and other immovable property seized,” obligating member states to reject the illegal construction and demand Israel comply with international law.

Most nations ignored the ruling. Israel defied it and continued building, now 61% finished, another 8% under construction, and the remaining 31% planned but not begun. When completed, its expected to be over 800 km, twice the length of the Green Line, four times as long as the Berlin Wall, and in some places twice as high on about 12% of stolen Palestinian land, its erection devastating the people affected.

Based on its current route, about 33,000 Palestinians with West Bank ID cards in 36 communities will be located between the Wall and the Green Line, in the so-called Seam Zone along with most East Jerusalemites. Another 126,000 in 31 communities will be surrounded on three sides, and 28,000 more in nine communities entirely, with a tunnel or road connection to the West Bank, requiring hard to get permits to access.

In July, the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs released a Special Report titled, “The Impact of the Barrier on Health,” especially patient and staff access to East Jerusalem’s specialized medical facilities (unavailable in Gaza or the West Bank) because of the Wall’s intrusive route and associated permit/gate system.

Restricted Access to Land and Livelihoods

Since October 2003, Palestinians “have been obliged to obtain ‘visitor’ permits to access” their own Seam Zone farmland, also called a “closed military area,” another way Israel confiscates land, a recent military order keeping residents of four villages off their land. Beit Ula’s mayor said farmers had to evacuate over five square km and abandon their equipment to make way for Separation Wall construction.

To access any restricted areas, including their own property, Palestinians must submit documents proving a “connection to the land” to satisfy security considerations. Entry, by permit only, is then channelled through official access points, gates or other checkpoints, 57 open daily, seasonally or on a seasonal/weekly basis with unannounced closures possible anytime.

Most open only during olive harvest season, and for limited daytime periods, farmers required to leave by late afternoon or early evening, denied needed time to plough, prune, fertilize, control weeds and pests, harvest, and live freely.

Because of the permit system, the difficulty getting them, the gates and other checkpoints, and limited working hours, agriculture and rural livelihoods have suffered, especially in the northern West Bank from 2006 – mid-2009 where permit issuance “sharply decreased.”

In January 2009, “closed area” designation extended south to Ramallah, Hebron, and parts of Salfit, Bethlehem and Jerusalem. Previously, farmers only needed ID cards. Now they need permits. For example, 470 Hebron area farmers applied during the 2009 olive harvest season, 100 of them denied, in contrast to 2008 when about 1,500 farmers worked freely.

In the Ramallah governorate, most farmers objected, refusing to apply. As a result, six of 10 gates and checkpoints remain virtually deserted, a similar situation in the Jerusalem area where only seven farmers got permits, the others also refusing.

Lack of Seam Zone Emergency Medical Care

The Wall and gate system affect thousands of farmers and their ability to access medical care any time, especially for emergencies, those at night particularly worrisome when gates are closed until scheduled openings. Further, vehicle restrictions require transportation by horse, mule or tractor, causing delays and long detours over rugged terrain.

Since 2003, about 10,000 northern West Bank residents in closed areas have needed permits to live in their own homes and reach hospitals, health clinics, schools, workplaces, friends and relatives. Doctors, ambulances, mobile teams and other health professionals are also impeded from reaching the sick or injured.

Barta’a straddles the Green Line in the northern Wadi Ara region near Jenin. Council member Abu Rami, responsible for coordinating with Israeli authorities, lost his mother at a checkpoint because security guards ordered her ambulance sent back. As a result, he relates to others in need saying:

“I deal almost daily with cases of sick people who need to cross the checkpoint. Anyone who cannot walk needs special coordination with the Israelis as well as anyone who has to cross (at) night when (it’s) closed. Expectant mothers leave the village weeks before (giving) birth, just to make sure (they can) reach the hospital in time.” What used to be a 15-minute drive to Jenin, now takes about an hour or longer.

“I know the procedure and I have all the telephone numbers,” he said. Yet, “I could not even save my own mother.”

Access to East Jerusalem Hospitals

Its six hospitals provide most specialized care to West Bank residents, unavailable to most Gazans under siege, including dialysis, oncology, open-heart surgery, neurosurgery, neonatal intensive care, eye surgery, and rehabilitation for handicapped children.

Restricted access began prior to the Wall’s construction. In 1993, Israel required permits for non-East Jerusalemites, including for medical care. At the time, doctors needed permission from the Palestinian Ministry of Health’s Referral Abroad Department (RAD) to access hospitals. If granted, the convoluted procedure required patients to arrange appointments, RAD or the hospital then needing Israeli Civil Administration permits to keep them.

The combination of illness and stress waiting for permit issuance or denial is further complicated when multiple visits or operations are required. In addition, males aged 15 – 30 are often denied for security reasons, and parents are impeded from getting treatment for sick children or family members.

Permits are also invalid during closure periods – 50 occurring from April 2009 – March 2010 for “security alerts” or Israeli holidays, and unannounced ones can occur any time.

Before the Wall’s construction, permits were enforced at checkpoints and random spot checks. However, they weren’t required to access Jerusalem, especially on foot. Since 2007, however, West Bank residents may only do so through three of 14 checkpoints at Qalandiya, Gilo and Zaytoun – the procedure time-consuming and challenging, especially during rush hours when queues are long, resulting in delays up to two hours or more.

Nonetheless, nearly half of all patients (over 19,000 or 365 a week) were referred to East Jerusalem hospitals for specialized care, up from 26% in 2006, despite vehicles with Palestinian license plates denied entry through checkpoints, creating added hardships for the sick, those unable to walk, or do it easily.

The Wall also affects East Jerusalemites, residing in neighborhoods like Kafr’Aqab and the Shu’fat Refugee Camp, now separated from the city. In addition, delays impede ambulances from reaching these communities, a serious problem when emergencies arise.

Also for patients needing same day access, the required procedure involving the Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) to request permission from the Israeli District Coordination Office (DCL). If gotten, then for authorization through a specific checkpoint, and back-to-back ambulances, West Bank ones denied Jerusalem entry.

Even then, delays are common. In 2009, PRCS recorded 440, including ambulance denials, mostly for Jerusalem. Medical staff are also impacted, despite special permit stamps once facilitating passage through any checkpoint. However, what used to be 15-minute trips now take two hours or longer, and if checkpoints are closed or queues especially long, they’re interminable, now worse since November 2008 after Israel implemented new restrictions, obliging West Bank staff working in East Jerusalem to enter through three designated points.

Only doctors may use them all, not nurses or other staff. They must cross on foot and use public transportation to reach hospitals, resulting in long delays and occasional denials, severely disrupting efficient operations and the health of patients.

Medical students are also affected, about 160 in their fourth, fifth and sixth years of study at Al Quds medical school, eligible for training at East Jerusalem hospitals. About 90% live in the West Bank so need permits to access training in pediatrics, neonatology, surgery, cardiology, internal medicine and other areas – available only in East Jerusalem.

Yet in June 2010, Al Quds medical school reported that 11 students were denied permit renewals, preventing their essential training.

Final Comments

Long before Separation Wall construction began in 2002, West Bank and East Jerusalem residents suffered horrifically under what Israeli Professor and Coordinator of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD) Jeff Halper calls a “Matrix of Control” comprised of:

– illegal settlements on expropriated land;

– closed military zones;

– exclusively Jewish industrial parks and other development;

– control of all natural resources, including aquifers;

– checkpoints and other barriers;

– control of border crossings;

– exclusively Jewish bypass roads;

– national parks;

– a nightmarish bureaucracy, requiring permits for free movement within and outside the territory, home and other construction, agriculture, business licensing, and more;

– a repressive military occupation enforced by intimidation, violence, home invasions, arrests, torture, and targeted assassinations; and

– the Separation Wall, severely impacting normal West Bank/East Jerusalem life, on 12% of expropriated Palestinian land when completed, isolating communities, farmers from their fields, the sick from medical care, children from school, workers from jobs, and families from friends and relatives – intrusive, outrageous, illegal, and essential for global outrage to expose, denounce, and demand stoppage, demolition, and ICJ mandated reparations for the “requisition and destruction of homes, businesses….agricultural holdings….orchards, olive groves….other moveable property,” and return of stolen land.

  • Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening. http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour/.

IDF Raids Across the West Bank

Detailed map of Israeli settlements on the West Bank, January 2006. Produced by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs - public UN source

Palestine Monitor, 17 July 2010
Thursday morning saw simultaneous raids take place in homes throughout the West Bank: the Northern village of Beit Furiq was one of the targeted areas with 8 residents taken, including 2 women.

Over 50 soldiers surrounded the Abu Ghalam family home in Beit Furiq and entered by force at 2.30 am, arresting 20 year old Laith Abu Ghalam, and confiscating electronic equipment and the ID of one family member according to the residents of the home. Apparently around 50 soldiers entered the home following sound bombs: the use of riot dispersal gear in the raid was confirmed by an Israeli Military spokesperson.

At the same time two other homes in the village were raided. Hani Aref Abdu As-Su’od and Hamada Hanany, along with Mas’ab and Sajed Abdul-Latif Maltyat were taken from the Maltyat home. All electronic equipment was also stripped from this home. Ayman Abu Ghalam, released only one month ago through a prisoner exchange deal after serving a four and a half year sentence, was arrested again.

In the village of Burin, Ayman Abu Ghalam’s sisters, Linan and Tagreed were also arrested. Linan Abu Ghalam had been arrested previously and was serving a 6 year sentence in an Israeli jail before she was also released in a prisoner exchange for a tape of Gilad Shalit, the Israeli soldier being held by Gazan operatives. Tagreed had never been arrested previously.

6 of the prisoners, including the two women, were being held at Huwarra detention centre according to family members who managed to secure a visit from a lawyer for the detained. Sajed Abdul-Latif Maltyat was immediately sentenced to 6 months in jail: he has been in prison on a regular basis for 15 years now.

The raids and arrests are nothing new for the families. The Abu Ghalams say family members have been held in Israeli jails continuously since 1975 and whilst Awad Abu Ghalam was wanted between 1988 and 2005, the IDF would raid the house on a daily basis.

Thursday morning also saw raids across the West Bank with ten others missing by dawn from Salfit, Jenin, Tubas, Hebron, the Bethlehem district and the Ramallah district. According to reports by Maan an Israeli Spokesperson cited that the arrests were carried out because of “suspicions of taking part in terrorist activity”.

Bibi the Bamboozler to Settlers: ‘America Won’t Get in Our Way…It’s Easily Moved’

RealNetanyahu

Richard Silverstein, 17 July 2010

Israel’s Channel 10 secured a video (Hebrew) recorded in 2001 during the height of a Palestinian terror campaign against Israel and the settlements.  It records a condolence call Bibi Netanyahu, recently “retired” from politics after losing the prime ministership several years earlier, pays on a group of West Bank widows whose husbands had been killed by Palestinian attacks.

For those on the Israeli right who claim that the Oslo Accords broke down due to Palestinian terror or any such thing, watch this and you will see that Bibi brags that he destroyed Oslo.  Even if you discount this by half as the braggadocio of a macho Israeli politician, it’s still eye-opening.  Gideon Levy too has written about this footage in Haaretz.

Note in the first passage how Bibi brags that he has America wrapped around his thumb.  The cynicism is breathtaking.  Here is Dena Shunra’s translation:

Bibi:…The Arabs are currently focusing on a war of terror and they think it will break us. The main thing, first of all, is to hit them. Not just one blow, but blows that are so painful that the price will be too heavy to be borne. The price is not too heavy to be borne, now. A broad attack on the Palestinian Authority. To bring them to the point of being afraid that everything is collapsing…

Woman: Wait a moment, but then the world will say “how come you’re conquering again?”

Netanyahu: the world won’t say a thing. The world will say we’re defending.

Woman: Aren’t you afraid of the world, Bibi?

Netanyahu: Especially today, with America. I know what America is. America is something that can easily be moved. Moved to the right direction.

Child: They say they’re for us, but, it’s like…

Netanyahu: They won’t get in our way. They won’t get in our way.

Child: On the other hand, if we do some something, then they…

Netanyahu: So let’s say they say something. So they said it! They said it! 80% of the Americans support us. It’s absurd. We have that kind of support and we say “what will we do with the…”  Look. That administration [Clinton] was extremely pro-Palestinian. I wasn’t afraid to maneuver there. I was not afraid to clash with Clinton. I was not afraid to clash with the United Nations. I was paying the price anyway, I preferred to receive the value. Value for the price.

In the following segment, Bibi boasts about how he emptied the Oslo Accords of meaning by an interpretation that made a mockery of them:

Woman:  The Oslo Accords are a disaster.

Netanyahu: Yes. You know that and I knew that…The people [nation] has to know…

What were the Oslo Accords? The Oslo Accords, which the Knesset signed, I was asked, before the elections: “Will you act according to them?” and I answered: “yes, subject to mutuality and limiting the retreats.” “But how do you intend to limit the retreats?” “I’ll give such interpretation to the Accords that will make it possible for me to stop this galloping to the ’67 [armistice] lines. How did we do it?

Narrator: The Oslo Accords stated at the time that Israel would gradually hand over territories to the Palestinians in three different pulses, unless the territories in question had settlements or military sites. This is where Netanyahu found a loophole.

Netanyahu: No one said what defined military sites. Defined military sites, I said, were security zones. As far as I’m concerned, the Jordan Valley is a defined military site.

Woman: Right [laughs]…The Beit She’an Valley.

Netanyahu: How can you tell. How can you tell? But then the question came up of just who would define what Defined Military Sites were. I received a letter – to my and to Arafat, at the same time – which said that Israel, and only Israel, would be the one to define what those are, the location of those military sites and their size. Now, they did not want to give me that letter, so I did not give the Hebron Agreement. I stopped the government meeting, I said: “I’m not signing.” Only when the letter came, in the course of the meeting, to my and to Arafat, only then did I sign the Hebron Agreement. Or rather, ratify it, it had already been signed. Why does this matter? Because at that moment I actually stopped the Oslo Accord.

Woman: And despite that, one of our own people, excuse me, who knew it was a swindle, and that we were going to commit suicide with the Oslo Accord, gives them – for example – Hebron…

Netanyahu: Indeed, Hebron hurts. It hurts. It’s the thing that hurts. One of the famous rabbis, whom I very much respect, a rabbi of Eretz Yisrael, he said to me: “What would your father say?”  I went to my father. Do you know a little about my father’s position?

…He’s not exactly a lily-white dove, as they say. So my father heard the question and said: “Tell the rabbi that your grandfather, Rabbi Natan Milikowski, was a smart Jew. Tell him it would be better to give two percent than to give a hundred percent. And that’s the choice here. You gave two percent and in that way you stopped the withdrawal. Instead of a hundred percent.” The trick is not to be there and be broken. The trick is to be there and pay a minimal price.

Here are a few of Levy’s choice characterizations of Bibi’s performance in this video:

…Israel has had many rightist leaders since Menachem Begin…but there has never been one like Netanyahu, who wants to do it by deceit, to mock America, trick the Palestinians and lead us all astray. The man in the video betrays himself in his own words as a con artist, and now he is again prime minister of Israel. Don’t try to claim that he has changed since then. Such a crooked way of thinking does not change over the years.

Forget the Bar-Ilan University speech…this is the real Netanyahu. No more claims that the Palestinians are to blame for the failure of the Oslo Accords. Netanyahu exposed the naked truth to his hosts at Ofra: he destroyed the Oslo accords with his own hands and deeds, and he’s even proud of it. After years in which we were told that the Palestinians are to blame, the truth has emerged from the horse’s mouth.

…The government of Israel is led by a man who…thinks that Washington is in his pocket and that he can pull the wool over its eyes.

It should be noted that Bibi isn’t the only prime minister who boasted of such manipulation of the U.S.  Dov Weisglass, Ariel Sharon’s Mephisto bragged of “putting the peace process in formaldehyde” via the Gaza withdrawal.  He too claimed he had George Bush wrapped around his little finger (though he didn’t say which one).

This seems to be a fashion among right-wing Israel prime ministers.  They come to believe their own press clippings.  But really who is to blame for this but American presidents who allow Israeli leaders to outwit and outmaneuver them?  When has an American president, except perhaps George Bush pere, ever stood up to Israel and won?  And I’m rapidly coming to the conclusion it won’t ever happen with the current president.

Source: Bibi the Bamboozler to Settlers: ‘America Won’t Get in Our Way…It’s Easily Moved’

See also:


By Hook and By Crook: Israel’s Settlement Policy in the West Bank

A well that was poisoned, with the Rabai home (left) and the woods of the illegal settlement (right).     Photo: Michael Carpenter.

B’Tselem, 6 Jule 2010

Some half a million Israelis are now living over the Green Line: more than 300,000 in 121 settlements and about one hundred outposts, which control 42 percent of the land area of the West Bank, and the rest in twelve neighborhoods that Israel established on land it annexed to the Jerusalem Municipality. The report analyzes the means employed by Israel to gain control of land for building the settlements. In preparing the report, B’Tselem relied on official state data and documents, among them Attorney Talia Sasson’s report on the outposts, the database produced by Brigadier General Baruch Spiegel, reports of the state comptroller, and maps of the Civil Administration.

The settlement enterprise has been characterized, since its inception, by an instrumental, cynical, and even criminal approach to international law, local legislation, Israeli military orders, and Israeli law, which has enabled the continuous pilfering of land from Palestinians in the West Bank.

The principal means Israel used for this purpose was declaration of “state land,” a mechanism that resulted in the seizure of more than 900,000 dunams of land (sixteen percent of the West Bank), with most of the declarations being made in 1979-1992. The interpretation that the State Attorney’s Office gave to the concept “state land” in the Ottoman Land Law contradicted explicit statutory provisions and judgments of the Mandatory Supreme Court. Without this distorted interpretation, Israel would not have been able to allocate such extensive areas of land for the settlements.
In addition, the settlements seized control of private Palestinian land. By cross-checking data of the Civil Administration, the settlements’ jurisdictional area, and aerial photos of the settlements taken in 2009, B’Tselem found that 21 percent of the built-up area of the settlements is land that Israel recognizes as private property, owned by Palestinians.

To encourage Israelis to move to the settlements, Israel created a mechanism for providing benefits and incentives to settlements and settlers, regardless of their economic condition, which often was financially secure. Most of the settlements in the West Bank hold the status of National Priority Area A, which entitles them to a number of benefits: in housing, by enabling settlers to purchase quality, inexpensive apartments, with an automatic grant of a subsidized mortgage; wide-ranging benefits in education, such as free education from age three, extended school days, free transportation to schools, and higher teachers’ salaries; for industry and agriculture, by grants and subsidies, and indemnification for the taxes imposed on their produce by the European Union; in taxation, by imposing taxes significantly lower than in communities inside the Green Line, and by providing larger balancing grants to the settlements, to aid in covering deficits.

Establishment of the settlements violates international humanitarian law. Israel has ignored the relevant rules of law, adopting its own interpretation, which is not accepted by almost all leading jurists around the world and by the international community.
The settlement enterprise has caused continuing, cumulative infringement of the Palestinians’ human rights, as follows:

  • the right of property, by seizing control of extensive stretches of West Bank land in favor of the settlements;
  • the right to equality and due process, by establishing separate legal systems, in which the person’s rights are based on his national origin, the settlers being subject to Israel’s legal system, which is based on human rights and democratic values, while the Palestinians are subject to the military legal system, which systematically deprives them of their rights;
  • the right to an adequate standard of living, since the settlements were intentionally established in a way that prevents urban development of Palestinian communities, and Israel’s control of the water sources prevents the development of Palestinian agriculture;
  • the right to freedom of movement, by means of the checkpoints and other obstructions on Palestinian movement in the West Bank, which are intended to protect the settlements and the settler’s traffic arteries;
  • the right to self-determination, by severing Palestinian territorial contiguity and creating dozens of enclaves that prevent the establishment of an independent and viable Palestinian state.

The cloak of legality that Israel has sought to give to the settlement enterprise is aimed at covering the ongoing theft of West Bank land, thereby removing the basic values of legality and justice from Israel’s system of law enforcement in the West Bank. The report exposes the system Israel has adopted as a tool to advance political objectives, enabling the systematic infringement of the Palestinians’ human rights.

The extensive geographic-spatial changes that Israel has made in the landscape of the West Bank undermine the negotiations that Israel has conducted for eighteen years with the Palestinians and breach its international obligations. The settlement enterprise, being based on discrimination against the Palestinians living in the West Bank, also weakens the pillars of the State of Israel as a democratic country and diminishes its status among the nations of the world.

Full report, PDF
Case study: The settlement of Kedumim
Testimony of ‘Abd a-Latif ‘Obeid
Testimony of Yusef Hassan

How to kill an economy

In 2000, there were over 120 textile factories scattered across the West Bank, now only the Herbawi Factory remains.

In 2000, there were over 120 textile factories scattered across the West Bank, now only the Herbawi Factory remains. (Palestine Chronicle)

Nicole Johnston, 5 July 2010

First close down the borders and refuse to allow any exports out.

Then ban the importing of any raw material for factories and businesses.

Force the commercial class to rely on expensive underground smuggling tunnels to procure what the community needs. This in turn enriches the tunnel owners.

Prevent businesspeople from travelling abroad.

And then, if the economy still has a breath of life left in it, go to war. Bomb the region and destroy its factories.

Finally refuse to allow any building material in so that those businesses cannot be rebuilt.

De-development

The result is the economy goes backwards in a process called de-development.

Businesses close, jobs are lost and families become dependent on food aid.

This is what has happened in Gaza.

It is suffering from a four year old siege, the destruction from Israel’s war and now a continued siege, with no sign of any real abatement.

While a few more products have entered Gaza since Israel killed nine people on board the Gaza-bound aid ship, the Mavi Mamara, raw materials for businesses have not.

And in some respects the blockade on business is getting worse.

Now Gaza’s manufacturers have to compete with Israeli products.

And Israel’s goods are cheaper and better quality because they are not produced under siege.

Truckloads of Israeli biscuits are entering Gaza. Israel says this is part of its so-called decision to “liberalise” the siege.

Al-Awda biscuit factory

This could put a company like Al-Awda biscuits in Gaza out of business.

Its owner, Mohammed al-Tilbani, has to depend on tunnels to bring in sugar, flour, cocoa. Imports are banned by Israel. So everything he needs for his factory is carried through a dirt underground passage.

The costs are high, the quality poor and the goods often arrive damaged and unusable.

Al-Tlibani started his business with nothing. Now he has a biscuit and ice cream factory. He could operate 24 hours a day, seven days a week. Imagine the jobs this would create in Gaza where unemployment is greater than 40 per cent.

But since the siege, his 350 employees have only worked up to eight days each month. This is barely enough money to keep their families alive.

As for the ice cream factory, with electricity cuts of eight to 16 hours a day, it is too difficult to keep the ice cream frozen and this part of the factory permanently running.

So al-Tilbani is watching his hard work fall apart.

Before the siege he planned to open another factory, for chips. He travelled abroad, bought the machinery and shipped it to Israel.

Cruel joke

But since Israel imposed the blockade he has not been allowed to import the equipment to Gaza. It is stuck in a warehouse in Israel.

Destroy the businesses and destroy the job market. This collective punishment of Gaza’s population is illegal under international law, but it continues.

Somehow the al-Awda factory has managed to stay open throughout the siege. But now it faces its greatest challenge – competition from Israeli biscuits.

The Israeli biscuits have the advantage. Israeli factories can import anything they like and now they can also export into the strip. It is likely this will displace the local product which only has one market, Gaza.

The biggest market for Al-Awda biscuits used to be the West Bank.

It seems like a cruel joke. Israel attempts to assuage the international community by “easing” the siege.

So it allows Israeli goods to be sold inside Gaza; while blockading goods made in Gaza.

This is one more step in killing an economy.


  • Nicole Johnston is a Doha based reporter. She has been with the network almost five years with stints in London, Kenya, Jerusalem and Gaza. Prior to Al Jazeera, Nicole was a reporter with ABC Australia for 7 years. This was first published on Al Jazeera blogs

Direct action around Palestine

Member of Al-Ma'asara Popular Committee confronts soldiers (ISM)

International Solidarity Movement, 1 July 2010

Member of Al-Ma'asara Popular Committee confronts soldiers (ISM)

Member of Al-Ma'asara Popular Committee confronts soldiers (ISM)

Al Ma’asara

The people of Al-Ma’asara’s again demonstrated peacefully last Friday, protesting against land seizures and settler harassment. Twenty villagers were joined by a handful of Israelis and internationals, marching from the village out towards the confiscated fields.

For the second week running, the group was allowed to reach the fields; Israeli army jeeps appeared as always, but this week the soldiers escorted the protest group to the fields, rather than attempting to stop them. Protestors were pushed and shouted at if they tried to move away from the main group, but otherwise there was no incident.

Perhaps the Israeli Army has finally recognised that the Al-Ma’asara protest is 100% peaceful, and the soldiers have no reason to break it up. Or this may turn out to be a temporary respite from roadblocks and harsher treatment. In any case the people of Al-Ma’asara are still not able to cultivate their land in peace, as the farmer’s have no protection from settler violence.

An Nabi Saleh

Residents of An Nabi Saleh gathered on Friday to honour the men of their village who remain as political prisoners inside Israeli jails. As one man enters his 33rd year in captivity, the village congregated for speeches, songs, and presentations to the families of those imprisoned.

After this event, villagers, joined by Israeli and international supporters, marched towards village land which has been illegally taken from them by the nearby Israeli settlement of Halamish. Soldiers blocked their route, allowing them to stand and chant for only a short period before starting to shoot tear gas. Many of the tear gas canisters shot were fired at body height, seemingly deliberately aimed at demonstrators. Several participants were injured, by canisters or by rubber-coated steel bullets, which were also fired in large numbers.

Military jeeps then came into the village, and soldiers occupied the main square. After approximately an hour, they retreated again, pursued by a large group of young children, one of whom had successfully planted a Palestinian flag on the back of a jeep. Soldiers halted the jeeps, and got out to throw sound grenades and fire tear gas at the children. Fortunately, none were hurt.

The demonstration went on until after sunset, when soldiers finally moved out of the village.

Iraq Burin

At the weekly demonstration against the illegal Israeli occupation in Iraq Burin, stone throwing protesters and international observers were teargassed by the Israeli army while trying to access their own land.

Leaving the village after the protest, two villagers and six internationals were stopped by an army jeep, had their passports confiscated and were then detained, with the soldiers claiming that it was “illegal” to be in the village. The internationals and Palestinians were taken to separate Israeli checkpoints, before being brought together again at Huwarra checkpoint 40 minutes later, where the Palestinians had been kneeling in the hot sun with their hands behind their heads.

All prisoners were then taken to a police station, where one of the Palestinians was severely beaten, first in the jeep, then in a closed room in the police station. All prisoners were later released without charge, 4 1/2 hours after their detention. The beaten Palestinian was taken to hospital in Nablus, where the doctor noted heavy bruising on his chest, back and stomach.

Bil’in

Dozens suffered from tear gas inhalation in Bil’ins weekly demonstration this Friday.

This week’s protest focused particularly on the boycott of Israeli blood diamonds. Every year, consumers the world over unwittingly spend billions of dollars on diamonds extracted by violent militias in West Africa and later processed and sold on from Tel Aviv. Protestors also carried a message of solidarity with the Palestinians of East Jerusalem, who are currently subject to a particularly violent wave of evictions, demolitions and harassment.

About 100 Palestinians, Israelis and internationals marched together this week to the gate of the Annexation Wall, facing large amounts of tear gas before the soldiers charged through the gate and chased the protesters towards the village. The solders continued firing teargas on the fleeing crowd, leaving dozens of protestors affected by gas inhalation. Hot teargas cannitsters set fire to fields on either side of the road, with Palestinian youths struggling to put out the flames while avoiding the Isralie assault. The demonstration ended after about 45 minutes.

Ni’lin

Around 20 international activists and journalists joined a group of 80-90 local villagers for the weekly protest against the Annexation Wall, continuing a tradition that has been going for over 4 years now. Starting from the olive fields, the protesters marched down the hill towards the wall, chanting slogans and waving flags. Having arrived at the wall, which annexes farmland and property from the locals and gives it to illegal settlers, there was an interlude of around 5 minutes, after which time the Israeli Army, from the other side of the wall, launched volleys of tear gas canisters at the peaceful protesters, continuing another integral part of the demonstration since its inception- unprovoked violence against peaceful demonstrators.

Following the volleys, most of the activists positioned themselves out of the direction of the wind, in order to minimize the poisonous effects of the gas. Some of the canisters were conventional rubber canisters, and others were higher velocity metal canisters, and thus the protesters had to be careful to avoid the projectiles, which have in the past caused serious and even fatal injuries to several activists. Some of the Palestinians then started throwing rocks over the wall at their aggressors, as well as using slingshots to hurl the empty gas canisters back at the soldiers.

After around 45 minutes events petered out. The protesters moved to the edge of the wall, and some of the journalists conducted interviews, while some Palestinians continued using slingshots to hurl the empty rubber gas canisters back over the wall. Suddenly, the Army burst through the gate in the wall in their jeeps, and started pursuing the peace protestors, who fled on foot over the hills, out of the reach of the jeeps. After a roughly 10 minute chase, the activists had managed to distance themselves safely from the army, who had given up the pursuit; they returned to the village in peace.

Hebron

Demonstrators gathered in Hebron on Saturday to demand an end to the illegal theft of water from the region for use in Israel and in Israeli settlements.

Protesters carried a large banner which read ‘Stop Stealing Our Water’, a reference to the theft of Palestinian water supplies by Israel. According to the Middle East Monitor, ‘The rate of water consumption of Israel citizens is 344 million cubic metres per year, while the consumption of Palestinians stands at 93 million cubic metres per year’. Israel’s disproportionately high usage and wastage of water is in large part fed by water stolen from the occupied West Bank. The Middle East Monitor goes on to write of ‘3 reserves within the West Bank area producing about 679 million cubic metres of water. According to international law, this water belongs to the Palestinians but they only get 118 million cubic metres. In other words, Palestinians get just 15% of their own water while the rest is consumed by Israelis’ [1]. Much of this stolen water comes from the Hebron region.

Local residents were joined for the protest by a large group of Israeli and international activists. After chanting and making speeches in front of one of Hebron’s many military watch-towers, the protest then moved up a nearby street, which was blocked by Israeli soldiers who violently pushed demonstrators back down the road. Protesters refused to give up, and went instead into the Old City’s covered market. Above this market is one of the illegal settlements that exist within Hebron itself, and settlers from here threw glass bottles, eggs and water down onto the protesters below.

The settlements in Hebron are, like all settlements within the West Bank and East Jerusalem, illegal under international law. Palestinian residents of the Old City and the district of Tel Rumeida suffer severe restriction of movement, frequent harassment and occasional violence at the hands of both soldiers and settlers.

[1] http://www.middleeastmonitor.org.uk/resources/briefing-papers/805-israel-is-stealing-palestinian-and-arab-water

Beit Jala

Midday Sunday, a group of Palestinians and internationals gathered in the village of Beit Jala outside Bethlehem to protest against the construction of the wall cutting off the village from its land. The protesters divided into two groups, one facing a roadblock set up by the soldiers and while another smaller group went down trough the olive groves to reach the construction site.

Israeli soldiers responded violently towards the larger group, using sound bombs and tear gas. When the smaller group reached the road leading to the construction site, soldiers quickly formed a line to stop them. After some time border police arrived and arrested three of the protesters: one Palestinian, one Israeli and one international. As a result of the ferocious violence from the soldiers, the demonstration dissipated.

Activists working with local farmer to dredge the well (ISM)

Activists working with local farmer to dredge the well (ISM)

Bir el-Eid

Early Saturday morning, 10 volunteers from Tayoush and ISM travelled to Bir el-Eid in the South Hebron Hills, where we met with the local farmers, and were joined also by renouned activist Ezra Nawi. Activists gathered here to help the locals dredge out their well. The people Bir el-Eid only just have enough water to drink, but nothing for crops or animals. Water must be expensively brought in tanks from outside, negotiating whatever the current military conditions may be.

The more permanent and sustainable water supply here comes from two wells that capture a good part of the yearly rain, which soaks down through the chalk rocks. The people of Bir el-Eid were evicted from their land for a number of years, and when they recently returned, they found their wells in disrepair. Without anyone here to maintain the wells they filled with silt, and the problem may have been compounded by settler vandalism.

Restoring the well to usefulness is a crucial part of re-establishing a sustainable community here. Activists spent about five hours working with the farmers; one Palestinian and three Israelis went down into the cistern at the bottom of the well, and five of us at the top hauled up the bucket-loads of muck with a pulley. This was filthy, heavy work, but seeing Palestinians and Israelis working together against the Apartheid provided powerful inspiration.

Solidarity As A Weapon: The MST In Palestine

Marcelo_Buzetto

Palestine Monitor, Kara Newhouse, 30 June 2010
“There is a weapon more powerful than any Israeli tank or U.S. missile, which is international solidarity,” said Marcelo Buzetto, a São Paulo native visiting Haifa last month. The weeks following Israeli’s deadly flotilla raid on May 31st initiated an outpour of global support for the people of Gaza. As Israel deflects attention from ending the crushing blockade through its purported “easing,” people standing in true solidarity with Palestinians—including those in the West Bank, the 1948 areas, and the diaspora—should remember Buzetto’s words.

There is a weapon more powerful than any Israeli tank or U.S. missile, which is international solidarity,” said Marcelo Buzetto, a São Paulo native visiting Haifa last month. The weeks following Israeli’s deadly flotilla raid on May 31st initiated an outpour of global support for the people of Gaza. As Israel deflects attention from ending the crushing blockade through its purported “easing,” people standing in true solidarity with Palestinians—including those in the West Bank, the 1948 areas, and the diaspora—should remember Buzetto’s words.

Buzetto and two other representatives of Brazil’s Landless Workers’ Movement (MST) conducted a ten-day tour to meet with participants of social movements throughout Palestine. They started their visit at the Second Haifa Conference for the Return of Refugees and the Democratic Secular State in Historic Palestine, where Palestine Monitor caught up with Buzetto to learn more about the connections between social movements in Brazil and Palestine.

The MST is a movement of workers and farmers who fight for the land,” Buzetto stated. “The base of the MST is families who were expelled from their own land. They were obligated to leave and sell their labour for a very low price, and many families were expelled in a very violent way. Our struggle for the land connects us directly with the Palestinian people.”

Marcelo_Buzetto

Marcelo Buzetto, MST delegate in Palestine, displays the flag of Brazil’s Landless Workers’ Movement while holding a falafel sandwich. According to Buzetto, Palestine and Brazil have more in common than their struggles for land and justice: “The base of the food is the same, and in Brazil, Arab food is very popular, so it contributes to the diversifying of Brazilian cuisine.”

Although Buzetto said that the MST sympathises with the idea of one state, he noted that Palestinians themselves are the ones who must determine the aims and trajectory of their struggle. He described the purpose of the MST’s delegation at the conference and in Palestine: “We are here to support the Palestinians in all that they decide will be the most urgent priorities—for example, the struggle for the refugees’ right to return, the struggle for the liberation of the political prisoners, the struggle to strengthen the boycott of Israeli goods around the world.”

According to Buzetto, Palestine solidarity committees exist in seven of Brazil’s 27 states. The MST aims to strengthen those committees and construct a national committee. In addition to MST members’ participation in solidarity marches, demonstrations, and the global boycott against Israeli products, an important solidarity campaign in Brazil is the struggle against the normalisation of trade relations with Israel.

Although Buzetto called all leftist parties pro-Palestine—including the Worker’s Party of the current president—in early March President Lula de Silva visited Jerusalem to give final approval to the Mercosur-Israel free trade agreement (FTA). The Mercosur trade bloc includes Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay. The Israel FTA is the first free trade agreement to be signed by the bloc.

According to MercoPress, Brazil expects the trade agreement to raise bilateral trade with Israel to 3 million USD within five years. Brazil already imports products from many large Israeli companies, such as defense contractor Elbit systems and fertilizer producer Israel Chemicals. The country stands as Israel’s third largest export destination globally and its largest trading partner in Latin America.

When the Mercosur-Israel FTA negotiations first became public in 2006, “major Brazilian social movements in the city of São Paulo, and several political parties, joined forces to demand that the Brazilian government back out of and oppose the Mercosur-Israel FTA,” according to Arlene Clemesha, a Professor of Arab Culture at the Universtiy of São Paulo.

Clemesha wrote that these forces caused the postponement of the negotiations, but failed to build a sustained campaign against the FTA. Thus, the negotiating counties quietly signed the agreement a year and a half later. In January 2008 when young São Paulo activists created a new organisation called Mopat (“Palestine for All Movement”), they set as a primary objective the building of a campaign to prevent the FTA’s ratification. Members translated and distributed documents on the FTA from the Palestinian Grassroots Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign (Stop the Wall) and the BDS National Committee.

Mopat then called a meeting among civil society organisations, trade unions—which are highly organised in Brazil and actively pro-Palestine—and representatives of the political party PSOL (“Socialism and Liberty”). MST members attended this meeting, during which participants initiated efforts to speak to political leaders and gather support from social movements calling the annulment of the FTA. The campaign faced challenges among some civil society leaders who wanted to simply “reform” the agreement to exclude tax exemptions for settlement products. According to Clemesha, “this is consistent with Brazilian foreign policy of ignoring the power imbalance” between Israel and Palestine.

The solidarity campaign celebrated a success in September 2009 when the Brazilian Parliamentary Commission on Foreign Relations and National Defense called for a freeze on the Mercosur-Israel FTA, as reported previously by Palestine Monitor (http://www.palestinemonitor.org/spi…). Nevertheless, Brazil’s Congress ratified the FTA later that fall, a decision that the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs called “a consequence of President Peres’ visit to Brazil.” The Israeli Ministry also reported that Presidents Peres and Lula opened an economic conference together “in front of hundreds of Israeli and Brazilian business leaders” in March this year, just before President Lula gave his final approval to the agreement. The FTA entered into effect between Israel and Brazil in April.

Buzetto commented on the MST’s stance on these decisions by the Brazilian Congress and President: “We regard this as a grave error to sign an agreement with a government that is illegitimate, with a government and state that does not respect human rights and international humanitarian law—a colonising and racist state that persecutes and commits genocide against the Palestinian people, and also against the Israeli activists that fight for Palestinians’ rights to create their own state.”

The way forward for Brazilian activists and civil society leaders opposing the Israeli-Mercosur FTA is unclear, however Buzetto said that the MST is active in the coordinating of the first national meeting for solidarity with Palestine, which is likely to include discussion of this issue. They plan to hold this meeting during the week of November 29, the international day of solidarity with Palestine.

According to Buzetto, “No matter how combative or strong a society/people is, in order to defeat imperialism, it’s necessary for an international movement to exist.” He reiterated the connection between participants of social movements in his country and those in Palestine: “Palestinians are fighting for justice, democracy, social reform, as we also are doing in Brazil. We are not just fighting for the land, but to build a more just social reality.”