Cosmetic Easing In Gaza Keeps Hope On The ’Banned’ List

Gaza Blockade (Palestine Monitor)

Palestine Monitor, 8 July 2010
As world leaders and mainstream news outlets sing the praises of Israel’s June 17 decision to ease its stranglehold blockade of the Gaza Strip, there is little prospect of change for Palestinians living under siege. Previously banned consumer items such as toys, newspapers, spices, and instant coffee are now passing through two of Gaza’s land border crossings, but the seaports remain tightly closed, all exports are still prohibited, and there is no sign of much-needed construction material. Written by Michael Carpenter.

Gaza Blockade (Michael Carpenter)

Gaza Blockade (Palestine Monitor)

Nevertheless, after Tuesday’s top-level meeting between United States and Israel, President Obama commended Prime Minister Netanyahu on the Gaza decision, claiming “We’ve seen real progress on the ground [and] it has moved more quickly and more effectively than many people anticipated.”

Similarly, former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, the Quartet’s special envoy to the Middle East, trumpeted the move as “a significant milestone” and predicted a “dramatic influence on the daily lives of the people of Gaza.”

The world press has echoed this tone, some hailing the cosmetic changes as a major U-turn in Israeli policy on Gaza.

Not surprisingly, Gaza residents and those working on their behalf inside the open-air prison have a less enthusiastic view. Gamal Al-Khodari, leader of the Popular Committee for Confronting the Siege on Gaza, has described Israel’s decision to modify the embargo as “cheap publicity to dodge demands for ending the blockade.”

Adnan Abu Hassna, UNRWA spokesman in Gaza, described the changes as window dressing. “Ketchup and mayonnaise will not have any real effect,” he said.

Nevertheless, he was careful to measure his words. “Of course, we welcome any step that leads toward an end to the blockade, but we need action, not only talking. We need to see policy implemented, to see material, cement and iron, and not in small amounts.”

According to Israel’s modified embargo, construction material will soon be allowed into the Gaza strip, but only for building projects approved by the Palestinian Authority from the West Bank and conducted under international observation.

This does not encourage Abu Hassna. “We don’t know when the steps of the new policy will be taken. We need to know what the mechanisms and procedures will be, and we hope that it will be soon. To improve the situation, we need thousands of tons of cement and steel. We are in serious need right now of rebuilding ten medical clinics and 100 schools. Based on past experience, if we have to go slowly, truck by truck, it will take one hundred years to rebuild Gaza.”

“We have money,” he says, “but the problem is we cannot build. The people of Gaza need jobs. They need to not depend on UNRWA. Right now 80% of Gazans depend on humanitarian organisations for food.” The Gaza blockade has been in place for over three years, since Hamas took control of the strip in 2007. Israel’s decision to modify the embargo follows increased international pressure, especially in the wake of last month’s deadly raid on the aid convoy, the Freedom Flotilla. The face-saving gesture was also timed to precede Netanyahu’s highly anticipated visit to Washington and comes against the backdrop of an aggressive settlement policy in occupied East Jerusalem.

Small quantities of consumer goods and an uncertain commitment to allow construction materials will not have a significant impact on the people of Gaza.

Amal Sabawi, director of American Friends Service Committee in Gaza, says the blockade must go. “There should be pressure on Israel to end the siege, not to have this agreement to allow some things. The people should live in dignity. They should have a normal life, the right to mobility and travel.”

Abu Hassna says that the problem of Gaza transcends the strip’s borders. “I think from experience that Gaza is the key to stability and peace,” he explains. “The Israeli policies are increasing extremism and destroying the moderate mentality, and the international community should be aware of this if they want to have stability in the Middle East. Gazans must have hope, and if life continues like this, there is no tomorrow in Gaza. The international community should work hard to lift the blockade, to commit to the people of Gaza, to allow them to be part of the world and to show them they are not isolated. This is what the people of Gaza need, and what peace for the region needs.”

Learn more from UNRWA Gaza http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=64

The Battle For Al-Walaja

The Battle For Al-Walaja (Palestine Monitor 2010)

Palestine Monitor, Aaron Dearborn, 1 July 2010

Hidden between the ancient cities of Jerusalem and Bethlehem, lies the village of Al-Walaja. Home to around 2,000 people, mainly agricultural workers, the land is rich in olive trees, summer crops and other natural resources. But the village is at a crossroads.

between the ancient cities of Jerusalem and Bethlehem, lies the village of Al-Walaja

between the ancient cities of Jerusalem and Bethlehem, lies the village of Al-Walaja

This year has witnessed a surge in Israeli military crackdowns, as Al-Walaja joins Bili’n, Ni’lin and Beit Jala, as the scene of heated weekly anti-wall demonstrations and popular resistance.

Since the first construction workers and soldiers arrived to begin clearing land for the Wall almost four years ago, locals say they have received an increasing number of eviction orders, arrests, threats and intimidation from IDF soldiers.

The current plan for Al-Walaja will see the town surrounded on all sides by the wall. Only one entry and exit point, under complete military control, will remain. The position of nearby settlements mean the Wall will encroach further onto village land, shrinking Al-Walaja before surrounding it.

However the bulldozers have not been allowed to move in unchallenged. Every Friday villagers gather at the construction sites in the fields of Al-Walaja to demonstrate against the seizure of their land.

 Activists occupy a bulldozer during a recent demonstration that saw Mazin Qumsiyeh arrested. (Photo: Kara Newhouse)

Activists occupy a bulldozer during a recent demonstration that saw Mazin Qumsiyeh arrested. (Photo: Kara Newhouse)

Local organiser Mahmoud Al-Araj says these areas are considered ’closed military zones’ by the Israeli government, and army patrols move in quickly to stop the demonstrations.

“When Israel started building the wall, we started demonstrating against the confiscation of our land. We started on Fridays and one or two days during the week to bring people to stop the bulldozers,” he says. “So we had many peaceful demonstrations, and we get much beating and arrests from the Israeli soldiers who use weapons against us.”

Earlier this year, human rights groups were outraged by footage of villager Nabeel Hajajala, 14, being pepper sprayed, kicked and beaten by several soldiers during a demonstration.

“I saw the soldier videoing, I went down and took the mobile from him. The soldiers attacked me and pepper sprayed me. They tied my hands and put me in the jeep and started to hit me and spray me again. They took me to the checkpoint and after that to the police station”, Hajajala told me.



“In the jeep they punched me, and from the top of my head I was bleeding. Still they sprayed in my mouth and eyes and hit me with the back of a gun and kicked me until we reached the checkpoint.”

Dr Mazin Qumsiyeh is a Palestinian peace activist and former Yale professor who has twice been arrested at Al-Walaja rallies. He says the risk of arrest and injury is something protesters are prepared to face. “In any kind of popular resistance there is a price to be paid and we are willing to pay that price. That price can range from mild harassment, intimidation, tear gas-which we smell of every week at demonstrations, all the way to being shot and killed. That’s what happened to my friend Bassam Abu Rahmah in Bili’n who was not doing any more than I do regularly. That’s just the risk you take in popular resistance.”



Since 2007, the people of Al-Walaja have received four different maps outlining the proposed route of the wall. The first official proposal threatened to divide the town in two parts, completely cutting off one part of the village from the other. The village formally complained to the Israeli high court and the plan was eventually overturned. However the three most recent plans have shown the wall being built in a way that completely surrounds the village on all sides with only one exit and entry point manned by IDF soldiers.

Village Council President Saleh Hilmi Khalifa rejects Israel’s claim that the separation wall is necessary to protect its citizens.

“If you take a photo of the region, you discover that these sayings are lies. The distance between the citizens and any Israeli units is too far, we are too far from the Israeli regions. If there is any problem with the Israelis’ security, why are they building the wall in our lands? Why don’t they build it on their lands?” he says.

Dr Qumsiyeh agrees, believing Israel is only interested in expanding the current expanse of Jerusalem to what is referred to as ‘Greater Jerusalem’.

“Al-Walaja has never had any conflict with the Israelis and if Israel is worried about the people of Al-Walaja coming into Israeli areas they could build the wall on the green line. But they choose instead to encircle the village with the wall and this tells me that it is not about security for the Israeli communities”.

“Israel has actually divided Al-Walaja into two areas. One of them is actually apart from the expanded boundaries of Jerusalem. Nobody recognises (these boundaries) except Israel, which says East Jerusalem is part of its capital. They expanded its borders so that nearly half the land of Al-Walaja is part of Jerusalem municipality. But not the people of Al-Walaja. They want the land but they don’t want the people that come with it.”

One villager, Ahmed Barwoud, has already had to stand back and watch as his farmland. was torn up to make way for the wall. Barwoud has lived here for over sixty years, since before Israel was created.

“This is something to remind me of the lands that were taken from us in 1948. This is another Nakba. The Israelis came and marked the lands and they brought the bulldozers and started to work,” he says.

Barwoud’s home is also the final resting place of his parents and grandparents. Israel’s current plans will place the graves of his ancestors on the other side of the wall in a Jerusalem municipality far exceeding the green line.

Ahmed Barwoud has been living in Al-Walaja for longer than Israel has existed. (Photo: Nicky Elliott)

Ahmed Barwoud has been living in Al-Walaja for longer than Israel has existed. (Photo: Nicky Elliott)

His farm has become a meeting point for demonstrators in Al-Walaja, where both Palestinians and internationals gather before a protest.

“They are standing with me because this is our issue, maybe today its my disaster and tomorrow it will be their disaster. The disaster includes all of us.”

But while Barwoud appreciates the support from internationals, he says his lands will not be saved unless foreign governments make a determined effort to confront Israel’s expansion.

“There are some people who stand significantly with us and that’s good, they demonstrate with us, its a really good stance. But what I say is they have to stand against their governments which support Israel, that is better than them coming here. They have to stand against Europe because it supports Israel and America is the biggest supporter of Israel.”

If they don’t, Barwoud says the struggle will be carried forward by his children.

“In the future, when they take my land, I will only hate the occupation more and more, and I will hate the supporters of Israel more and more. I will teach my children to be strong and how to take their lands back.”

Learn more about the popular struggle here http://www.popularstruggle.org/

The process of entering and leaving Gaza is incomparable to anywhere else. “Control”

In Gaza (June 2010)

Eva Bartlett, In Gaza, 27 June 2010

In Gaza (June 2010)

In Gaza (June 2010)

The process of entering and leaving Gaza is incomparable to anywhere else. All borders are closed by Israel and Egypt to all but a small number of the students and ill who need to leave the Strip. And now, while the Egyptian-controlled Rafah crossing is temporarily open, unless you have connections, supreme luck, or money to bribe the Egyptian authorities, you’re not getting out. This includes most students and the ill holding the necessary paperwork. Gaza’s health care system has been decimated by the siege imposed since Hamas was elected in 2006, and from the various Israeli bombings and attacks. As a result, there is a chronic depletion of 141 types of vital medicines and shortage of 116 types of medical supplies, says Gaza’s Ministry of Health. The lack of specialized equipment and expertise means those with certain health problems go untreated, and those with chronic diseases suffer slow deaths–at least a reported over 370 deaths until now. While in Gaza, I met Q, a woman in her fifties with renal failure.

Q had been trying to leave Gaza with 3 of her children in order to be tested for compatibility as kidney donors. But after $1500 bribes per person, Q and children were turned back to Gaza.

In Gaza (2010)

On 8 June, we try to leave Gaza. Emad has a visa to study abroad, and I have an American passport.

A sea of yellow Mercedes –the 6 door, 8 seaters –clouds the parking lot outside the Gaza terminal. Inside the terminal hall, Gaza authorities, with unnecessarily loud voices and frowns glare away those without the stamina to challenge their squints. Maybe they have their reasons but to people whose hopes and dreams depend on this border, meeting this unwillingness to help is the beginning of a long, depressing effort to leave that usually ends in failure.

“Why don’t you go straight through, you’ve got a foreign passport?” people ask and tell me. But I’m with a Palestinian, and want to stay with him. I’m also torn: as an activist, I want to sit as long as Palestinians have to sit, waiting without end for their right to exit. But I’m with Emad and also don’t want to jeopardize his chances of leaving. I’m all too aware of the whims of the Egyptian authorities, so similar to those Israeli occupation whims, and that anything, any small thing, could trigger repercussions on Emad’s chances of leaving. Me, I’ll get out. Maybe not today, maybe not this border opening, but raise a fuss with my consulate and I’m out. Emad, Palestinian, is very different. And after already having lost 3 chances to study and train abroad, he won’t hold much hope if this opportunity fails. I try to imagine the bitter regret I’d feel if my study opportunities were yanked away from me, let alone my simple desire to travel. I can’t imagine: it’s a pain exclusive to those truly imprisoned by virtue of their nationality.

In the Palestinian departure hall I am told by a terminal authority that I must wait till Thursday, today is for Palestinian students. But we worry about being separated, I worry about how the Egyptian authorities will treat Emad, and we try negotiating to be allowed out together.

We wait hours, see others in similar predicaments. And this is only the Gaza side of the border.

We inch forward in our taxi, still waiting, waiting, waiting for the word.

It finally comes, hours later, when worry has set in if there will be time for the necessary waiting at the Egyptian terminal. Names are read out off a list and ours are among them.

In Gaza (June 2010)

In Gaza (June 2010)

We board a bus, roughly 18 seats, pay 15 shekels for the bags and 60 shekels for the 200 m or so ride –which we have no choice but to take –to the Egyptian terminal, where the bus parks and we wait another hour or so.

The bus is hot, the windows are sealed shut, unfathomably, and no air circulates. We wait, remember the hard goodbyes that come from close families who don’t know when or if they will see each other again.

The bus moves forward, finally pulling up to the doors of the Egyptian terminal, where the real waiting and uncertainty begins.

There, we see friends, trying to leave to study in Egypt, to breathe a little. They have come for the last few days and have been turned back to Gaza, but they keep trying. We learn later that they are again denied exit.

We hand in our passports, to different Egyptian authorities: I’m holding a non-Palestinian passport, so I will be processed quickly, despite my activism and writings. He is holding the Palestinian passport, so he will be toyed with, possibly turned back despite his visa and plane ticket.

We wait.

My name is called, I’m processed, stamped out. We wait.

He (Palestinian, from GAZA) is called, told to wait more, this time for an interview with the Egyptian intelligence. After much more waiting, he is called in. He tells them about his studies, his plane ticket, that he is in contact with the Venezuelan Ambassador in Palestine. This helps him, gives him an edge other Palestinians with visas, money or serious illness don’t have. They want to speak with me.

I’m called in.

Are you traveling together? Where are you going? What have you been doing in Gaza? What is ISM?

They are the Intelligence and certainly have a file on me: I came in by boat and have spent the last year and a half standing in the border areas with other International solidarity activists (ISM), being shot at by Israeli soldiers because the farmers we are with are trying to access their land. It is repeatedly a ridiculous and unbelievable scene and no matter how real it is and how many times I’ve written about it, it is so illegal and scandalous that it seems unbelievable when telling those who have no idea this happens. What? You’re saying that farmers trying to harvest wheat or groom their parsley, on land 400m, 600m 700m or more from the border are being shot at by Israeli soldiers with live ammunition? Are you for real? They’ve been killed? Maimed?

But it is all too real and continues as I type. Farmers, civilians living near the border, and women and men protesting Israel’s imposition of a 300 m no-go zone have been killed and maimed, by live ammunition and shelling, including dart bombs, from Israeli soldiers who know exactly who they are targeting.

In the past twelve months, at least 220 Israeli attacks have been carried out in the ‘buffer zone’, with 116 coming since the beginning of 2010 (as of April 30th). In the first four months of 2010, over 50 Gazans were injured, and 16 were killed in these attacks, ISM notes.

And the Egyptian intelligence interviewing me knows this, knows I’ve been witnessing this, and is pretty damn happy I am leaving and shutting up. But while I’ll be out of Gaza, I’ll not be shutting up.

He tries to know more about ISM, or to catch me in a lie. But I know he knows, and there’s nothing illegal about justice and solidarity work. The illegality lies in the Israeli soldiers’ actions, the Israeli governments’ policies, and the Egyptian authorities complicity in the siege, including Egypt’s targeting of the tunnels (in which Palestinians, usually quite young men supporting their families, are working and are subsequently killed or maimed) and Egypt’s building of the underground wall to cut off the tunnels lifeline, and Egypt’s continued closure of the Rafah crossing, the only exit/entry point not controlled by Israel.

He asks about our offices, who works with ISM, if there are more coming to Gaza to replace me. Ridiculous, Israel the 4th largest military force, and Egypt the 2nd greatest recipient of US foreign aid are so concerned about a group of unarmed activists from various countries, backgrounds and ages. Our weapons– the truth, cameras, and conveying Palestinian humanity –frighten them, and he is visibly glad one of us is leaving.

Perhaps due to this, and Emad’s connection with the Venezuelan Ambassador, we are granted exit.

But until we step on the plane, it is never certain. Over the next two days, we will wait in suspension, detention, and be disdained by various Egyptian officials and police who attempt to dehumanize their captive travellers.

7pm, waiting on the Egyptian side of the Rafah crossing:

Waiting, waiting, waiting… near to freedom but still unsure if it is real. Never in my life have I realized how precious freedom is. Technically we are through, but while I hold my passport and any other foreign-passport holding national would have long ago left, Emad has no idea where his passport is nor when he’ll be allowed to leave this dismal hall. We wait, try to forget we are only less than 50 metres from the Palestinian side and can easily be sent back, and wait some more.

Without any prior notice, Egyptian officials begin to bark at us and the other detainees to line up and damn well hurry up about it, to board the bus which will actually take us away from this nightmare. Approaching the bus, we are told to fork over 350 Egyptian pounds for various bus-related costs (who can contest?) for the ride to the airport (as if we had a choice). No forewarning, no idea what was about to happen, we have no pounds. Need to find a money changer. Have little Israeli shekels left for that matter, for who knew this fee was coming. Confusing change with some US dollars and remaining Israeli shekels, heeling back to the barked lineup, and stuffing bags into bus storage, clipping back to doorway lineup –the latest to bark isn’t happy with our dawdling –we finally board the bus.

With the exception of a 20 minute roadside stop to eat or use the toilet, we trundle through darkness to the airport. Emad’s first view of the world outside Gaza is darkness and streetlights. Still, one can at least see more power than constantly blacked-out Gaza…

5:49, June 9 2010 Cairo airport.

Detention.

It’s a crime to be Palestinian.

The punishment, aside from being denied most rights and privileges anyone else enjoys, aside from being shot at, bombed, deprived of land, deprived of work, and deprived of hope… is being detained everywhere. Even in neighbouring countries.

Because they are from Gaza, the women, children, babies, shebab (young men), men…are whisked –slowly –from cage, with the torment of waiting without knowing if they are being allowed to leave. Or the snub of seeing shining floors, escalators, shops, eye candy, and instead being herded into a hallway detention room. All of the time-killing measures which make travel tolerable are also denied Palestinians from Gaza.

9:52 am

I leave the hall we –the Palestinians from Gaza and I –are being held in with its rows of uncomfortable plastic chairs and only one toilet… VIP is written on the walls outside. I need to buy a phone card so we can let Emad’s family know he’s okay, outside, and hopefully, hopefully (but still not certain) going to board the plane he has paid money for.

Emad, as well as the other Palestinians, cannot leave the hallway, and its only the grace of my non-Palestinian passport that has allowed me out, despite the suspicious words of our Egyptian police guards.

The Palestinian detainees resort to bribing cleaners to buy them food, for at least twice the price.

My first venture out leaves me swaying: obscene amounts of things to buy, wide spaces, restaurants with delicacies I’d forgotten over the last year and a half in Gaza, fast food fumes, and travelers ambling, wondering where to eat or drink, as I myself have done on many, many occasions. But now, returning to the “VIP” hallway was somehow comforting: a section of Gaza, isolated, neglected, imprisoned… but the faces warm, familiar, real.

3:37

The numb sense of timelessness are feels when stuck in the same small place for ours, same music, same announcements… no sense of passage of time, no way to relieve the boredom.

8:59

Still in the airport hallway, but at least with the promise of leaving early tomorrow.

We sleep, eat white bread, long for real food. I’m no longer allowed to leave but manage to complain my way into leaving with an impatient police escort, to again buy an overpriced phone card.

There is now only a smatter of travelers –all Palestinians –left, waiting in this hallway with its rows of uncomfortable plastic chairs and only one toilet… VIP is written on the walls outside.

22:30

“It’s freezing, there’s too much air con, the children are cold… can you give us blankets?”

A mother, with 4 kids, is trying to keep them from getting ill as they pass the days in this hallway.

The guard had promised to move us to somewhere better in a while, and now the call is suddenly barked out to hurry the hell up and bring our bags.

We go to the ‘better’ place: a 10x12m room below ground with barred windows. A storage room, as evidenced by the boxes filling corners and serving as makeshift beds.

23 people locked in the storage room, walls covered with the graffiti of former detainees, from Palestine, Somalia, Uganda, Ukraine, Ecuador, Iran, Nigeria…

“It is my first time in prison, with nothing. I wish you good luck, those who are in this prison. May Allah bless you.”—Somalian girl

“Shitholes, useless egocentric, racist, stupid, illiterate Egyptians.” –annonymous

In Gaza (June 2010)

In Gaza (June 2010)

Maek taskarra????

A voice shouts from a white uniform. He doesn’t notice the humanity of the detainee, a traveler with a ticket and on his way abroad when detained.

He leans forward and barks. Feen? FEEN taskarra?

The detainee, a Palestinian man in his early 30s, replies calmly, affirmatively: yes, he has a ticket like any other passenger.

Like any other passenger… except that he is being held in an overcrowded cell below ground while regular passengers mill above, shopping duty free and whiling away the hours over drinks, with no idea fellow travelers they may end up sitting next to on a plane are being held like animals below.

White uniform leans into another passenger and shouts his question. DO YOU HAVE A TICKET?!!!

He uses the same bark technique the Israeli soldiers use when trying to degrade Palestinians at Israeli military checkpoints in occupied Palestine. DEHUMANIZE! DEHUMANIZE! I WIELD POWER OVER YOU!!!

A father has come to accompany his daughter and her four young children. She is returning to her husband in Morocco. He, the father, has an obligation –cultural, parental, and from his heart –to see her off, ensure she is in safe hands. She flies days from now but left Gaza early to avoid the border suddenly closing, and knowing that it often takes repeated tries before Palestinians are permitted to leave Gaza.. if they are permitted. Now, to avoid her children waiting the next 3 days in a hallway, in artificial lighting without natural air, running space, and food, her father would have her stay with relatives in Cairo. But without an onwards ticket nor a non-Palestinian passport, he is unable to leave the airport to see her off…not even to the doors, with a police escort. He tries, repeatedly, and I agree easily to accompany her myself when he is not permitted. But the Egyptian authorities resist, her father withers, and the authorities decide she cannot even leave on her own, though she does hold a non-Palestinian passport. Many hours later she is allowed to leave to the relatives’ home… but with a police escort. Her father isn’t permitted to see her to the taxi. He withers.

It turns out I know him, vaguely: he is the husband of my friend’s sister from Faraheen, a farming community in Gaza’s southeast where I and ISM spent many times standing with farmers and sharing meals. Their plight, that of Israeli-bulldozed, bombed or burned land, or land rendered inaccessible by the lethal live ammunition spat out by bored teenage soldiers or remote controlled automated towers. Yet of the farmers who harvest any thing, they share willingly. And it is fresh, luscious produce. Were they able to grow all the vegetables and tend the decades-old trees as they did before Israel’s razing policy, they would be much less affected by the siege… and would in turn provide the produce and fruit largely trucked in (late) or not allowed at all by the Israeli authorities.

The room with its dirty walls, covered with tormented writings, no ventilation, few chairs, and crowd of dignified, human, passengers sprawled on floors and boxes.

A suited man who lives in Algeria but came back to Gaza to see his family.

An elderly man in plain white robes and a red and white kuffiya, stretched out on the floor. He gets up, washes in the filthy bathroom without soap, prays, and returns to the floor where a boy of 12 years lies at the feet of two women.

A young man, returning from four years of studies in Turkey, asking another from the Sheyjayee neighbourhood what’s new at home, what has changed with the last 2 major Israeli attacks on Gaza.

A group of women in a corner, sit-sleeping. One has a daughter who has just had a stomach operation. They are waiting to return to Gaza.

The room cleaner comes in, but the room stays filthy. He’s here for business: coffee, sandwiches, phone cards… you can order from him. But the prices have gotten higher the further below ground we’ve gone.

The cleaners are making a profit from these Palestinians and the other unwanteds stuck in this room below ground. They, expecting to fly from Egypt and like anyone buy food from markets or stalls, were caught in the racist system. And to survive, they pay a higher price for the luxury of sandwiches and a murky filth which didn’t qualify as coffee.

Oh, Gaza, with your siege, your impossibly difficult life, how much beauty and kindness you hold.

In this underground final holding room, the cleaners add another few pounds to their inflated prices. One returns with a 10 pound phone card, charging 15, and a shot of the coffee filth for 5. I’m pretty certain the group of women to my left don’t have the money with them to afford these extortions. We leave our food with them as they sleep.

Again, I’m struck by the similarities between this detention and Israeli deportation detention: the same snide disregard for detainees humanity, the same undisguised goal of degrading and dehumanizing the detainees. And as in Israeli detention I wondered if they would actually put me on a plane or keep me longer for spite, I wonder the same. These people here have committed no crime, except that they are Palestinians from Gaza. Yet they are held in prison, in limbo, and are treated as criminals.

3 am: Prison Break

We are allowed out, allowed to check in to our airline. It’s the same sudden barked-names, moveit dammit procedure. We walk, and as we leave the holding room into a brightly-lit, sparkling airport lounge, Emad is stunned by the difference. Normal passengers line up, having come from their places of recreation. We are escorted by a police officer, obvious to all watching. It’s the final step of degradation: look, look at these criminal Palestinians (or those associated with them).

But Emad is cool in his flip-flops and shorts, calm as he has been throughout the ordeal. And as have been most of the Palestinians I’ve been with. Cool, patient, dignified. They are used to being played with, by the Israelis, by the Egyptians, by their own politicians, by the world. They crave a very simple few things: freedom, basic rights of work, study, medical care, and perhaps the chance to visit family or see another part of the world.

I’ve been that traveler lounging for hours in a café, waiting for a flight to some other country, the beginning of an expedition. I know well that excitement of beginning a new adventure, and the disappointment and frustration of a delayed or cancelled flight. But how humbled I would have been, and am retrospectively, at any sense of indignation for mere delays, or at the reality of my freedom to hop on a plane and buzz through countries, continents… when I know the ordeal Palestinians endure just attempting to leave Gaza or the occupied West Bank.

What a gift freedom truly is. Would that the world would recognize not only the injustices dished out to Palestinians for over 6 decades, not only the strangling, inhumane and counterproductive total siege and closure of Gaza, not only the continued colonization of occupied east Jerusalem and the occupied West Bank and the daily occupational crimes that entail… but that Palestinians are human, dammit. They want to travel like anyone else, and if it is my right to vacation when I want, it is Palestinians rights to do so, let alone to study or seek health care.

It’s Emad’s first whiff of freedom. He is intoxicated by the colours, scents, space…He is still in the airport, but we’ve paid the necessary extortion to our police officer accompaniment, to say thanks for partially doing you job, and hey thanks for not arbitrarily holding Emad back as you could have, on a whim. We make it through the check in procedures and are released by our police officer accompaniment into the departures lounge.

We wonder the halls, stretching legs cramped by 2 days of waiting and sitting… at the border and in the airport. He sees everything for the first time: escalators, moving floorways, Duty Free, the coffee shops and food chains ubiquitous around the world. And he doesn’t even want any of it… just wants to walk, to feel like a human, a free human being.

In Gaza (June 2010)

In Gaza (June 2010)

Source: In Gaza