American settler tycoon persecutes East Jerusalem family

A sttler looking out on Silwan. Photo: Jillian Kestler-D’Amours
A settler looking out on Silwan. Photo: Jillian Kestler-D’Amours

A settler looking out on Silwan. Photo: Jillian Kestler-D’Amours

Palestine Monitor, 30 March 2011
The judge’s ruling, while seeming equivocal, will most likely lead to the ultimate evacuation of the Hamdallah family.

The struggle of American millionaire and settler patron, Irving Moskowitz, to expel the Hamdallah family from their house, has culminated with the probable expulsion of the family from a bedroom and the front yard to make way for a right-wing, religious Jewish family.

Moskowitz’s decade-long legal attack on the Hamdallahs in Ras al-Amud, East Jerusalem, is emblematic of the unswerving fortitude exhibited by ideologically motivated Jews bent on settling the ‘historic basin’ of the Old City.

The Hamdallah household, comprising three families, is positioned on the verge of Ma’ale Zeitim, the biggest settlement in a Palestinian neighbourhood in East Jerusalem. The presence of the house is preventing the expansion of the settlement on its western border. This fact has fuelled Mr. Moskowitz for the past sixteen years in pursuing four claims simultaneously in separate courts, in an attempt to evict the family from this space, which, according to Mr. Moskowitz, is his to dispose with.

In 1990, Mr. Moskowitz bought the tract of land upon which the Hamdallah house is built from religious seminaries that had been able to register the land in their name after the annexation of East Jerusalem. Israeli law permits Jews to claim ownership of land owned before 1948, a privilege not extended to non-Jews. Consequently, Moskowitz was able to finance the Ma’ale Zeitim settlement there.

In 2005, a judge decided that the Hamdallahs could keep everything built before 1989 and were to be evicted from all buildings constructed subsequent to that date. Two years later, Moskowitz filed a new suit against the family, which claimed the front yard and one bedroom should be included in the sections to be evacuated. Though the extension was built in the mid 80s, the suit succeeded in attaining a ruling to this effect in early March 2011. Upon the ruling, Moskowitz stated his intention to install a Jewish family in the bedroom, along with armed guards, by March 14.

Shlomo Lecker, who has been defending the family for the past ten years, believes this decision is ‘clearly biased in favour of Mr. Moskowitz, as a result of the political situation.’ Mr. Lecker succeeded in attaining an order to delay the move for one month. He believes that, should the settlers be allowed to move into the appointed bedroom, ‘they will harass the family until they want to leave completely, part of the drive to expand Ma’ale Zeitim.’ The Hamdallahs have been in Ras al-Amud since 1952, after being displaced from their home in Ramle in 1948.

The room to be evacuated is home to Ahmad and Amani Hamdallah and their one year old baby, situated in a three-room extension, comprising a bedroom, a bathroom and a small sitting room. Khaled Hamdallah, Ahmad’s uncle, lives in the main building with his family and sister-in-law. Ahmad was born here, as was his father.

‘We have nowhere to go if the settlers move in’, she explains, ‘there is no space in my mother-in-law’s house.’ The couple do not know what will happen next; ‘we are waiting for a decision.’

The Hamdallahs have no contact with the residents of Ma’ale Zeitim, though sometimes the settlers’ children try to taunt them by waving or pulling faces from inside the compound, Amani notes. She has emptied her bedroom of furniture for fear of the settlers entering her home at any moment and throwing it out. ‘They will come suddenly; it could be at midnight, we do not know.’

‘If they come in to one bedroom, they will keep trying to take more and more,’ Amani predicts. ‘In my mind and my heart, I feel hopeless. If your house is taken, what do you do?’ she asks, revealing the psychological stress that dogs the family in their daily lives. ‘My husband does not sleep, always thinking about our situation’, she continues. ‘We cannot move forward, stuck in a limbo of waiting and not knowing.’

On top of this, the Hamdallahs are financially crippled by the extensive legal fees. For example, for two weeks legal work, they paid 15,000 shekels; ‘most of our money goes to the lawyer,’ Amani tells us.

Most observers view the settling of East Jerusalem as part of a drive to chip away at Palestinian culture and identity in the city. Daniel Luria, spokesperson for Ateret Cohenim, a religious Zionist organisation involved in buying Palestinian property in East Jerusalem and moving Jews in instead, thinks otherwise. ‘Jewish life in Jerusalem is something automatic and natural,’ he commented. ‘I’m not sure why the world involves itself when Jews move to areas in Jerusalem but it smacks of racism and anti-Semitism. This is the Jewish homeland and there is nothing the world can do about it. They are the indigenous people and the rightful heirs of Jerusalem and the whole of Israel’.

A recent report by Ir Amim on the development of the court case notes how the pertinacious single-mindedness of settlers in East Jerusalem usually gets them what they want. For instance, according to the report, ‘there is at least one extreme, ideological settlement in each of the Palestinian neighbourhoods in the Old City and the historic basin surrounding it.’

While these projects are funded by private donors, they have the tacit recognition and approval of the state. Mr. Lecker is fighting what seems like an impossible battle against a legal system, which as an arm of the state, is permeated with the Zionist doctrine and consequently privileges an exclusively Jewish agenda.

 

Settlers taking over Palestinians’ homes in East Jerusalem is nothing new. Read about past incidences

‘Um, You’ve Got an Olive in Your Hijab’

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Christopher Cottrell

During the olive harvest season in Beit Umreen, a northern village in the Occupied West Bank, many families’ daily routines shift to the vast green hillsides and fields peppered with olive trees.

The delectable fruit and the precious oil it produces represent a staple income source for many rural Palestinians. Grossing around 25 Sheikels per kilo, a family can earn around $900 per day harvesting olives.

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(For me, the sound of olives plopping onto the plastic tarps below reminded of raindrops on a tin roof, but I’m sure others also hear the “ka-ching” of a cash register.)

A tree is relinquished of its fruit by first beating the branches with hardwood sticks. Any leftover olives are then picked out by hand.

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Nestled within dusty branches, the vibrant green and purple olives are easy to spot.

The leaves and sticks are eventually sorted out, leaving just the olives to be poured into a burlap sack.

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After an hour of work, we reclined in the shade of an olive tree and ate pomegranates, falafel and za’atar – a Middle Eastern spice made from thyme, salt and toasted sesame seeds.

My friends’ mother gathered fallen olive tree branches and made a fire for tea. Passing me the first steaming cup, I saw that her hands were worn from many harvests past.

The serenity of our break was interrupted every few minutes by the sound of passing cars, their drivers honking to greet neighbors in adjacent fields.

Anytime a car drove by I instinctively checked the color of the license plate (yellow would have meant Israeli settlers). Especially during the olive harvest season, settlers frequently attack Palestinian farmers, often razing crops in their wake.

International activists often visit the Occupied West Bank during the olive harvest. The extra manpower reduces the amount of time farmers spend exposed in their fields and the mere presence of foreigners is sometimes enough to deter settler attacks.

In the past, even Israeli rabbis have come to the defense of Palestinian farmers. Just last month, Jewish settlers clashed with activists of the Rabbis for Human Rights movement near the southern city of Hebron.

According to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, “activists were going to 40 Palestinian villages to protect olive growers and uphold their right to work the land, and harvest. They would act ‘as human shields’ if necessary.”



Christopher Cottrell is an independent American journalist based out of Nablus. Currently working as a part-time volunteer at An-Najah National University working with journalism students. You may also follow Chris at www.chris-cottrell.com.

Olive Harvest

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img_1788

Christopher Cottrell

During the olive harvest season in Beit Umreen, a northern village in the Occupied West Bank, many families’ daily routines shift to the vast green hillsides and fields peppered with olive trees.

The delectable fruit and the precious oil it produces represent a staple income source for many rural Palestinians. Grossing around 25 Sheikels per kilo, a family can earn around $900 per day harvesting olives.

img_1777

(For me, the sound of olives plopping onto the plastic tarps below reminded of raindrops on a tin roof, but I’m sure others also hear the “ka-ching” of a cash register.)

A tree is relinquished of its fruit by first beating the branches with hardwood sticks. Any leftover olives are then picked out by hand.

img_17821

Nestled within dusty branches, the vibrant green and purple olives are easy to spot.

The leaves and sticks are eventually sorted out, leaving just the olives to be poured into a burlap sack.

screen-shot-2010-10-29-at-11-26-33-pm

After an hour of work, we reclined in the shade of an olive tree and ate pomegranates, falafel and za’atar – a Middle Eastern spice made from thyme, salt and toasted sesame seeds.

My friends’ mother gathered fallen olive tree branches and made a fire for tea. Passing me the first steaming cup, I saw that her hands were worn from many harvests past.

The serenity of our break was interrupted every few minutes by the sound of passing cars, their drivers honking to greet neighbors in adjacent fields.

Anytime a car drove by I instinctively checked the color of the license plate (yellow would have meant Israeli settlers). Especially during the olive harvest season, settlers frequently attack Palestinian farmers, often razing crops in their wake.

International activists often visit the Occupied West Bank during the olive harvest. The extra manpower reduces the amount of time farmers spend exposed in their fields and the mere presence of foreigners is sometimes enough to deter settler attacks.

In the past, even Israeli rabbis have come to the defense of Palestinian farmers. Just last month, Jewish settlers clashed with activists of the Rabbis for Human Rights movement near the southern city of Hebron.

According to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, “activists were going to 40 Palestinian villages to protect olive growers and uphold their right to work the land, and harvest. They would act ‘as human shields’ if necessary.”



Christopher Cottrell is an independent American journalist based out of Nablus.  Currently working as a part-time volunteer at An-Najah National University working with  journalism students. You may also follow Chris  at  www.chris-cottrell.com.

Jerusalem Municipality plans to demolish 22 houses in Silwan to build archeological garden

Silwan and Al-Thori neighborhood 16 June 2010 (Photo:silwanic.net)

B’Tselem, 29 June 2010

On 21 June 2010, the Jerusalem Municipality’s Planning and Building Committee approved the municipality’s plan to demolish 22 houses in al-Bustan, a neighborhood in the center of Silwan in East Jerusalem. In recent years, the Municipality has been advancing a plan to build an archeological garden in the neighborhood. The plan calls for the demolition of a sizeable percentage of the houses in al-Bustan. The Municipality refused to discuss with the residents an alternative plan they proposed. The Municipality’s plan requires the approval of the District Planning and Building Committee, in the Ministry of the Interior.

Al-Bustan, in Silwan. Photo: Noam Preiss, B'Tselem, 19 March 2009.

Al-Bustan, in Silwan. Photo: Noam Preiss, B'Tselem, 19 March 2009.

According to the plan, one-quarter of the houses in al-Bustan (22 of the 88 houses) will be demolished and an archeological garden will be built on the land. The Municipality proposes that the residents of the houses slated for demolition should move to another area in the neighborhood, and promises to approve retroactively the other houses, which were built without permits. However, the Municipality does not own the land in these other sections, so it has no authority or ability to make this offer to the residents. The families will have to purchase land and build their houses after the Municipality demolishes their property. Even if they manage to buy the land, there is no guarantee they will be able to build there. The substantial prerequisites for obtaining building permits that the Municipality places on East Jerusalem residents regarding proof of ownership and installation of the requisite infrastructure effectively prevent lawful Palestinian construction in East Jerusalem.

One thousand persons live in al-Bustan. Most of the houses were built in the 1980s and 1990s. A few were built prior to Israel’s annexation of East Jerusalem in 1967. In November 2004, the Municipality began to promote a plan for an archeological garden, known as “The King’s Valley,” which will surround the Old City. The city engineer, Uri Shetrit, ordered the demolition of all the houses in the neighborhood in order to increase the area of the archeological garden. In early 2005, the Municipality began to carry out the directive. Residents of the neighborhood began to receive demolition orders and indictments were filed against them for building without a permit. At the time, the Municipality demolished two houses in al-Bustan. Currently, orders to demolish 43 structures remain in force.

Silwan and Al-Thori neighborhood 16 June 2010 (Photo:silwanic.net)

Silwan and Al-Thori neighborhood 16 June 2010 (Photo:silwanic.net)

Local residents requested the attorney general to prevent the destruction of the neighborhood. Also, international pressure was brought to cancel the plan. Subsequently, Mayor Uri Lupoliansky stated in 2005 that he had retracted the plan and that the residents would be allowed to propose a plan that meets their development needs. In August 2008, the residents presented their plan. The city engineer, Shlomo Eshkol, informed them that the plan would not be considered in the immediate future, and that the Municipality was proceeding with the plan to build an archeological garden on the site.

The Municipality’s outline plan for the Old City, drafted in 1977, marked the existing structures in al-Bustan, although the neighborhood was classified as open space. Although more than thirty years have passed since then, the Municipality has refused to issue building permits or approve existing construction, except in isolated cases. Choking development of the neighborhood is a typical example of the Municipality’s planning and building policy in East Jerusalem since 1967.

This policy is especially problematic in that, in Silwan, plans are being advanced to develop the compound run by the settler non-profit societies Elad and Ateret Cohanim, and build the City of David National Garden, operated by Elad, which is being constructed between Palestinian houses surrounding al-Bustan. In addition, these societies are building institutions and parking lots, and archeological excavations are taking place close to Palestinian houses in Silwan. Also, the Municipality has refrained from sealing a seven-story structure that Ateret Cohanim built in Silwan without a permit.

The plan to demolish houses in al-Bustan denies its residents the right to housing, which is derived from the right to an adequate standard of living as defined in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. In addition, the Fourth Geneva Convention prohibits the occupying state to destroy the property of residents of occupied territory, who benefit from the status of protected persons, “except where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military actions.” The Convention further states that “extensive destruction and appropriation of property not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly” constitute a grave breach of the Convention.

Source: B’Tselem